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Such an interesting debate that took place during the early 20th century
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http://broadcast.iu.edu/ceremon/celeb07/index.html
Scroll down to Monday, October 15th
Such an interesting debate that took place during the early 20th century
[Again, the "box" is just the universal quantifier]
Kamp, Hans, van Genabith, and Reyle (forthcoming) offer a fairly thorough account of the problems with donkey sentences. What they consider first is the standard method for translating natural languages sentences into first-order predicate logic. The existential quantifier is defined as follows:
(1) $xF Û Ø“x ØF
Consider a simple sentence:
(2) A delegate arrived.
Translated into FOL we get:
(3) $x(delegate(x) Ù arrived(x))
(3) is logically equivalent to:
(4) Ø“x Ø(delegate(x) Ù arrived(x))
When (4) is translated into English we get:
(5) It is not the case that every delegate failed to arrive.
Now consider a sentence with anaphora:
(6) A delegatei arrived. Shei registered.
Kamp, Hans, van Genabith, and Reyle introduce the superscripts and subscripts in order to keep track which noun matches up with which pronoun.
If we apply what we did in steps (1)-(5) to (6) we get the following sentence:
(7) It is not the case that every delegatei failed to arrive. Shei registered.
Intuitively, there is something wrong with (7) as it does not capture what is expressed by (6).
References
Kamp, H., J. van Genabith and U. Reyle, forthcoming. “Discourse Representation Theory”, in Gabbay D. and F. Guenthner, Handbook of Philosophical Logic (second edition), Springer.
Our everyday knowledge-attributing practices, according to the contextualist, are going to have varying standards based on how high the stakes are with respect to the knowledge assertion being true. Intuitions concerning Stewart Cohen’s airport case are some of the contextualists’ evidence for maintaining that their position is more in line with the everyday account of knowledge.
Mary and John are at the L.A. airport contemplating taking a certain flight to New York. They want to know whether the flight has a layover in Chicago. They overhear someone ask a passenger Smith if he knows whether the flight stops in Chicago. Smith looks at the flight itinerary he got from the travel agent and respond, ‘Yes I know — it does stop in Chicago.’ It turns out that Mary and John have a very important business contact they have to make at the Chicago airport. Mary says, ‘How reliable is that itinerary? It could contain a misprint. They could have changed the schedule at the last minute.’ Mary and John agree that Smith doesn’t really know that the plane will stop in Chicago. They decide to check with the airline agent. (Cohen 1999 p. 58 )
According to Cohen, if we consider some response that is insensitive with respect to context then one can’t make sense of the above scenario.
The reason Cohen gives for such a conditional is that with any insensitive response, there are only three possible responses. The first is that the standards of Mary and John are too high and Smith does know that the plane will stop in Chicago. The second is that the standards of Smith are too low so Mary and John are right to deny him knowledge. The third is that the standards of Smith, Mary, and John are too low therefore none of them have knowledge. According to Cohen, “None of these answers seem satisfactory.” (Ibid p. 59) Cohen asserts that “…the best answer: Neither standard is simply correct or simply incorrect. Since the standards for knowledge vary across contexts, each claim, Smith’s as well as, Mary and John’s can be correct in the context in which it was made.” (Ibid p. 59)
The reason that Mary and John correctly deny knowledge to Smith is because they are in a high-stakes situation as it is important for them to get to Chicago. This high-stakes situation means their standards for knowledge are higher. With respect to Smith, he is in a low-stakes situation as it is not that important that he get to Chicago. This low-stakes situation means his standards for knowledge are lower than Mary and John’s. In high standards of knowledge the possibility of error becomes salient and so cannot be ignored. Therefore, Mary and John must acquire more evidence so they can know the plane will land in Chicago.
Contextualists maintain that their answer to the above case is more in line with the everyday account of knowledge. They claim their account of the airport case is the everyday use of knowledge. Contextualists recognize it is essential for their view to conform to the everyday account of knowledge otherwise their position is untenable. DeRose is very direct about this when he writes, “…the contextualist’s appeal to varying standards for knowledge in his solution to skepticism would rightly seem unmotivated and ad hoc if we didn’t have independent reason from non-philosophical talk to think such shifts in the content of knowledge attributions occur,” (DeRose 2002 p. 169)
and
“…the best grounds for accepting contextualism concerning knowledge attributions come from how knowledge-attributing (and knowledge-denying) sentences are used in ordinary, non-philosophical talk: What ordinary speakers will count as ‘knowledge’ in some non-philosophical contexts they will deny is such in others.” (DeRose 2005 p. 172)
It seems fairly clear that if contextualism fails to conform to the everyday account of knowledge then contextualism also fails to be a tenable position.
References
Cohen, S., 1999, “Contextualism, Skepticism, and The Structure of Reasons”,
Philosophical Perspectives
DeRose (1992) “Contextualism and Knowledge Attributions”, Philosophy and
Phenomenological Research
(2005), “The Ordinary Language Basis for Contextualism and the New
Invariantism”, The Philosophical Quarterly
[I don't know why, but the "all" quantifier is coming out as a box. I have seen that before, but usually the "some" quantifer also comes out as a box which it isn't in this case. Just read the box as an "all" quantifier]
Well, it has been a while since I posted. I think I am still recovering from Spring 2008 semester. Well, whatever the reason (or excuse) is, I hope to start posting again. I have been trying to work out the problem known as “Donkey sentences.” I realize when discussing the topic with some of my colleagues, they have trouble trying to figure out what the problem. Therefore, I have been trying to more clearly state the problem than the readings I have come across.
The problem of what have come to be called “Donkey sentences” has to do with a certain kind of anaphora (statements about other statements) has received considerable attention since it was reintroduced in Peter Geach’s Reference and Generality. The problem is often introduced as follows, consider the following sentences:
(1) If Pedro owns a donkey then he beats it.
(2) Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it.
What has taken to be the “natural” strong reading of those sentences is: (1) is the case only if Pedro beats all the donkeys that he owns and (2) is the case only if every farmer beats the donkey(s) she/he owns. The natural readings of (1) and (2) has created considerable problems when trying to translate them into First-Order-Logic (FOL) as no FOL translation can capture these natural readings. There have been two important responses to this problem, Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) proposed by Hans Kamp in 1981 and Independence Friendly Logic (IF Logic) proposed by Jaakko Hintikka in 1985. Both solutions have had little discussion between the two of them and so both have developed rather independently of each other.[1]
Since both offer different solutions to the same problem it should be determined which (if either) side offers a better solution to the problem. After reviewing both sides I will argue that IF Logic has a better solution to the problem because it is more in line with FOL and so is a simpler and less ad hoc solution. My strategy for approaching this problem will be as follows; first I will sketch out a more precise account of the problem. Second, I will summarize DRT’s solution and IF Logic’s solution. Third, I will give my reasons for claiming that IF is a simpler and less ad hoc solution.
II. The Problem with Donkey Sentences
There have been attempts to translate sentences (1) and (2) into FOL that can capture the truth conditions already mentioned. With respect to (1), three translations have been offered:
(1a) $x[donkey(x) Ù (owns(pedro, x) ® beats(pedro, x))]
(1b) $x[(donkey(x) Ù owns(pedro, x))] ® beats(pedro, x)
(1c) “x[(donkey(x) Ù owns(pedro, x)) ® beats(pedro, x)]
Similar translations have been attempted with respect to (2),
(2a) “x[(farmer (x) Ù $y(donkey(y) Ù owns(x, y))) ® beats(x, y)]
(2b) “x$y[(farmer (x) Ù donkey(y) Ù (owns(x, y) ® beats(x, y))]
(2c) “x“y[(farmer (x) Ù donkey(y) Ù owns(x, y)) ® beats(x, y)]
The problem with (1b) is fairly obvious as it does not express a well-formed formula (wff) because it leaves a free occurrence of the bound variable x. Why the remaining propositions fail needs a little more explanation.
The reason (1a) fails is the proposition comes out true whenever there is a donkey that Pedro doesn’t happen to own. Demonstrating that (1a) comes out true in such an instance is fairly simple given the definition of the conditional and conjunction. The conditional comes out false if and only if (iff) the antecedent is true and the consequence false and true otherwise. The definition of conjunction says that it will come out true iff both conjuncts are true and false otherwise. Suppose that x is a donkey, but it is a donkey that is not owned by Pedro. Such a state of affairs means the conditional in (1a) will come out true as the antecedent (owns(pedro, x)) will be false therefore the conjunct (owns(pedro, x) ® beats(pedro, x)) comes out true. Since x is a donkey then the other conjunct (donkey(x)) also comes out true. Therefore both conjuncts are true; therefore the proposition is true. This fails to capture the natural reading of (1) as (1) is supposed to only come out true when Pedro beats all the donkeys he owns.
The reason (1c) fails is the proposition comes out true when Pedro owns something other than a donkey. Suppose that Pedro owns a pig and ignore whether he beats it or not. Such a state of affairs means that one of the conjuncts in the antecedent is false (donkey(x)). Therefore, the conjunction (donkey(x) Ù owns(pedro, x)) is also false. Therefore, the conditional is true as it has a false antecedent. If it is the case that Pedro can own a pig and this ownership will make (1c) come out true then clearly this fails to capture the natural reading of (1).
[1] There is one exception to this, in “No Scope for Scope?” Hintikka does give some reason to accept IF over DRT, but it is very brief and difficult to understand. I will attempt to clarify Hintikka’s argument later in the paper.
Scientific Essentialism is a view that has received increased attention within recent works[1]. Two central features of this view are:
(i) “…inanimate matter is not passive, but essentially active,” and
(ii) “…anything that belongs to a natural kind is logically required (or is necessarily disposed) to behave as its essential properties dictate.”[2]
What Ellis takes to be the opposing view is the “Humean” position which has as one of its central features being:
(H)“…things behave as they are required to by the laws of nature.”[3]
The question can easily be raised, if matter is active, its activity is the result of its essential properties, and its activity is not required by the laws of nature, then what reason do we have to think that there are laws of nature when activity comes from matter? Stephen Mumford[4] has answered such a question in the negative. Mumford points out many problems with essentialism, but his rejection of laws seems (as I will argue) more in line with scientific essentialism.
Another position that scientific essentialism is committed to is scientific realism.[5] Scientific realism, according Richard Boyd, maintains the “…product of successful scientific research is knowledge of largely theory-independent phenomena and that such knowledge is possible (indeed actual).” [6] It has been argued that a significant number of scientific theories have been acquired through the application of simplicity. If theory T1 is simpler than theory T2 then we should choose theory T1.The scientific realist (essentialist) can easily ask the following questions, if a theory is chosen because it is simple then does the theory have anything to do with the theory-independent phenomena?
If such a question does not have an acceptable answer for the scientific essentialist then the scientific essentialist must reject simplicity as a characteristic of a good theory. This creates a dilemma for the scientific essentialist, (1) Thomas Kuhn[7] maintained that, historically, some scientific theories have been accepted because they were simpler than the alternatives; (2) Hugh Gauch’s[8] account of scientific practices maintains many scientific theories apply simplicity when dealing with the “curve-fitting problem.” Mario Bunge[9] and Richard Boyd[10] have argued that the historic importance of simplicity has been exaggerated by philosophers of science and really has little or no importance when choosing between scientific theories.
What remains is the “curve-fitting problem.” Elliot Sober[11] has produced a number of works attempting to maintain both scientific realism and justify simplicity within such a doctrine. After reviewing the various works concerning these topics, I have concluded that simplicity is inconsistent with scientific essentialism by an argument that will be presented within this paper. If such an argument is correct then I foresee two options either another account of simplicity needs to be given or simplicity needs to be abandoned for some other notion within scientific essentialism. While I leave the former as a possibility, my focus will be on the latter. The dispositional account of science suggested by Mumford[12] gives a better interpretation of scientific essentialism.
[1] See Bird (2005, 2007), Mumford (2004, 2005), Heil (2005), Ellis (2001, 2002, 2005a, 2005b), Lowe (2006)
[2] Ellis (2002) p. 59
[3] Ellis (2002) p. 59
[4] See Mumford (2004)
[5] See Ellis (2002) p. 23-25, But scientific realism isn’t necessarily committed to scientific essentialism. See Mumford (2004, 2005) and Tiercelin (2007)
[6] Boyd (2002), Introductory Paragraph
[7] See Kuhn (1977)
[8] See Gauch (2003)
[9] See Bunge (1963)
[10] See Boyd (1989)
[11] See Sober (1975, 1988, 2001)
[12] See Mumford (2004)